Three
Steps to break budget impasse from Concord
Coalition
July 14, 2011-- In a new blog post today,
Robert L. Bixby, executive director of The
Concord Coalition, suggests three steps to
get beyond the gridlock in the debt limit
negotiations. These include:
Raising the debt limit by 1.9 trillion --
the amount of additional debt approved for
the next two years by nearly all the House
Republicans when they voted for the House
Budget.
Attach an enforceable mechanism for
achieving budgetary goals -- including
fiscal targets and triggers, like the
Bipartisan Policy Center's SAVEGO proposal.
Fill in the details through "regular order"
including the passage of a Senate Budget
Resolution and a conference committee to
work out the differences between it and the
House budget.
The blog post can be found here: http://www.concordcoalition.org/tabulation/better-way-out-stalemate
The full text also appears below.
A Better Way Out of the Stalemate
The partisan vortex in Washington is now so
strong that it threatens to swallow all
rational thought.
As the nation rushes closer to default,
politicians are rushing to their respective
partisan corners. At times they truly seem
more interested in blaming each other for
causing a crisis than they are with
preventing a crisis from happening. It is
little wonder that credit ratings agencies
such as Moody’s and Standard & Poor’s have
repeatedly questioned whether U.S. Treasury
bonds can maintain their AAA status. The
scenario they fear, which becomes more
likely by the day, is not so much that the
U.S. can’t pay its bills but that it will
refuse to do so.
For a brief time last week, President Obama
and House Speaker John Boehner appeared
ready to challenge their respective
political bases. Hopes were raised for a
“big deal” that would include essential
compromises on popular entitlement programs
and tax breaks to reduce the deficit by
roughly $4 trillion over 10 years. It was a
good idea, but it didn’t last long.
Instead of looking at what the nation might
gain in fiscal sustainability, politicians
on both sides looked with horror at what
they might lose in terms of partisan
finger-pointing. A big deal would mean that
Republicans could no longer accuse Democrats
of trying to kill the economy with tax
increases, and Democrats could no longer
accuse Republicans of trying to kill
Medicare.
It was all too much for Boehner, who threw
in the towel on the big deal. His troops
would not support higher revenues in any
way, shape or form. Many Democrats, too,
were breathing a sigh of relief since any
serious long-term plan would have to involve
concessions on entitlement spending.
There is still time to reach accord so that
the government does not default on a large
portion of its bills in early August. But as
the President has noted, the issues do not
get any easier by simply shifting the time
frame.
More importantly, a short-term fix would
leave the full magnitude of our ultimate
fiscal challenges as daunting as ever with
no mechanism in place to deal with it.
It is true that there is not enough time to
negotiate, draft, debate and enact a
comprehensive fiscal sustainability plan
before August. However, the solution is not
to give up on the “big deal” but to agree on
a framework for implementing one. Shifting
the focus to overall fiscal goals and a
mechanism for enforcing them would be a far
more productive use of limited time than
continuing to butt heads over specific cuts
that would achieve, at best, a temporary
fix.
It would also beat the proposal by Senate
Minority Leader Mitch McConnell to let
Republicans vote against a debt limit
increase while allowing the limit to go up
by $2.5 trillion at the President’s
initiative. The best that can be said about
this politically cynical idea is that it
would defuse an immediate crisis. It would
do nothing, however, to address the
structural mismatch between spending and
revenues.
If a procedural fix is the best that can be
accomplished for now, here are a few
suggestions to break the impasse without
demanding a politically impossible
capitulation by either party:
Raise the debt limit by $1.9 trillion. This
is the amount by which the debt limit would
have to be raised to implement the House
Republican budget through 2012. Those who
voted for this budget, which includes all
but five members of the Republican caucus,
explicitly endorsed policies that would
produce this amount of additional debt. So
there should be no dispute about having to
raise the debt limit accordingly.
Attach an enforceable mechanism for
achieving budgetary goals. Looking ahead,
the key issue is not the nominal level of
debt but whether the debt is sustainable.
That depends on the underlying policies that
produce the debt. Because the policies now
in place will produce unsustainable debt,
the most important attachment to the debt
limit vote, absent a big deal, would be a
framework for enacting more sustainable
policies. This should include fiscal targets
and automatic triggers to ensure that the
goals are reached. The Bipartisan Policy
Center’s Save-As-You-Go proposal (SAVEGO) is
an excellent model.
Fill in the details through “regular
order.” With an overall framework in place,
Congress could get back to the business of
writing a budget resolution. Ultimately, the
committees of jurisdiction will need to
mark-up specific legislation, with
instructions from the budget committees, to
implement the fiscal framework. The House
has adopted a Fiscal Year 2012 budget
resolution, but the absence of a Senate
counterpart has prevented negotiations over
a joint resolution. That could change,
however, if Senate Budget Committee Chairman
Kent Conrad proceeds with a committee
mark-up and floor vote on the budget he has
put together behind the scenes.
These three steps would allow policymakers
to raise the debt limit by no more than
House Republicans have already voted for,
while creating an enforceable fiscal
sustainability framework to be filled in by
the relevant committees doing the jobs they
are supposed to be doing.
Is that too irrational a thought?
The Concord
Coalition is a nonpartisan, grassroots
organization dedicated to fiscal
responsibility. Former U.S. Senators Warren
B. Rudman (R-NH) and Bob Kerrey (D-NE) serve
as Concord's co-chairs and former Secretary
of Commerce Peter G. Peterson serves